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Nigeria: New Wave of Violence Leaves 200 Dead

@captaglobal — Thu, 27 Jan 2011 19:34:57 +0000

Government Should Urgently Protect Civilians, Invite UN Expert to Jos

(Dakar) – A deadly spate of sectarian violence in Nigeria’s central Plateau State since December 24, 2010, has killed more than 200 people, Human Rights Watch said today. The victims, including children, have been hacked to death, burned alive, “disappeared,” or dragged off buses and murdered in tit-for-tat killings.

The Nigerian government should act swiftly to protect civilians of all ethnicities at risk of further attacks or reprisal killings, and allow the United Nations secretary-general’s special adviser on the prevention of genocide, Francis Deng, to visit the state, Human Rights Watch said.

“These waves of senseless killings risk spreading and have taken a terrible toll on the people of Plateau State,” said Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The state and federal governments should urgently enlist anyone who can help break this cycle of violence, including Mr. Deng.”

The most recent round of violence and reprisal killings was sparked by a series of bomb blasts on Christmas Eve in two Christian communities in Jos, the state capital. Since then, dozens of Muslims and Christians alike have been targeted and killed, often in horrific circumstances, based simply on their ethnic or religious identity. These latest deadly outbreaks follow a year of inter-communal bloodletting in 2010 that left at least 1,000 dead in the state.

In September 2010, Deng formally requested approval from the Nigerian government to visit Jos in October to help community leaders devise measures to reduce the risk of an escalation in the violence. The Nigerian government has not formally replied or authorized the mission.

Targeted and Reprisal Killings
The Christmas Eve explosions, which ripped through two Christian neighborhoods in Jos, and several days of sectarian clashes that followed the bomb attacks, left at least 107 dead, according to Christian and Muslim community leaders in Jos. A militant Islamist website published a statement by Boko Haram, a militant Islamist group in northern Nigeria, claiming responsibility. There has been no independent confirmation of this claim.

The targeted killings and tit-for-tat violence escalated further in January 2011. Eight Muslim youth in a car heading to a wedding were attacked on January 7 after they took a wrong turn and ended up in a Christian village in Barkin Ladi. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that the following day the Nigerian army exhumed and returned to their families the corpses of five of them from shallow graves near the village. The three others remain missing.

The following morning, January 8, Muslim youth in Jos indiscriminately attacked Christians, mostly ethnic Igbo market traders, around the Dilimi market and along Bauchi Road. Witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that the victims were hacked to death with machetes and cutlasses or burned alive by the mob. Igbo leaders said that 48 Igbo civilians were killed in the attacks, while a health worker at the nearby Bingham University Teaching Hospital confirmed that 18 corpses arrived in the morgue on January 8.

Later that day, at least 14 Muslims were killed by mobs in Christian neighborhoods in Jos and surrounding communities. A passenger on an interstate bus to Jos on January 8 told Human Rights Watch that Muslim passengers were separated from Christian passengers and hacked to death. Four of the passengers were killed at a makeshift roadblock manned by a Christian mob in Ratsat, south of Jos, while two others were killed when the bus arrived at the Gada Biu bus terminus in Jos itself.

Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that two days later, on January 10, gunmen attacked Wareng village, a Christian community south of Jos, burning homes and killing residents. Four women and seven children were killed in the attack.

Muslim and Christian leaders in Jos told Human Rights Watch that they also knew of dozens of disappearances. They said that, in the past month, 42 Muslims, mostly motorcycle taxi operators in Jos, have been reported missing, while more than 51 Christians have still not been accounted for.

“This terrible cycle of violence and impunity needs to stop,” Dufka said. “Both the state and federal governments have shown a disturbing lack of urgency in addressing the violence and tackling the underlying causes of these deadly outbreaks.”

The federal and Plateau State governments should take concrete steps to break the cycle of violence by ending discriminatory state and local government policies that fuel inter-communal tensions, providing adequate protection for vulnerable communities, and ensuring a speedy and effective investigation and prosecution of the perpetrators of the violence, Human Rights Watch said.

Origins of the Crisis
Plateau State is in an area of central Nigeria known as the Middle Belt that divides the predominately Muslim north from the largely Christian south. Local political elites have long battled for power and control of limited resources and have stoked religious tensions to those ends. Widespread poverty and unemployment, fueled by endemic government corruption and mismanagement, have created an explosive social mix as competition intensifies for scarce opportunities to secure government jobs, education, and political patronage.

These tensions have been exacerbated by state and local government policies that discriminate against members of ethnic groups classified as “non-indigene” – those who cannot trace their ancestry to what are said to be the original inhabitants of an area. Non-indigenes, in Plateau State and elsewhere, are openly denied the right to compete for state and local government jobs and are subject to discriminatory admissions policies at state-run universities, denying them important avenues of socio-economic mobility. Discriminatory government policies have effectively relegated thousands of Plateau State residents to permanent second-class status.

Religious and ethnic identity often overlap in Nigeria. The main actors in the deadly struggle for power and resources in Jos have been the Hausa-Fulani and the Berom ethnic groups. The Hausa-Fulani, the vast majority Muslim, are the largest ethnic group in northern Nigeria. They are classified as non-indigenes in Jos, though many are from families that have been there for several generations. The Berom, predominately Christian, along with the Anaguta and Afizere ethnic groups, are designated indigenes.

A Decade of Suffering
In the past decade, more than 3,800 people have been killed in inter-communal violence in Plateau State, including as many as 1,000 in 2001 in Jos and more than 75 Christians and at least 700 Muslims in 2004 in Yelwa, southern Plateau State. In November 2008, two days of inter-communal clashes following local government elections in Jos left at least 700 dead.

In January 2010, several hundred people were killed in sectarian clashes in and around Jos, including a massacre on January 19 of more than 150 Muslims in the nearby town of Kuru Karama. On March 7, at least 200 Christians were massacred in Dogo Nahawa and several nearby villages. Over the next nine months, more than 120 people died in smaller-scale attacks and reprisal killings leading up to the Christmas Eve bombings and renewed sectarian clashes.

Inter-communal violence in Plateau State and northern Nigeria has a history of spreading to other regions. Following the 2004 violence in Yelwa, reprisal killings in Kano State left 200 Christians dead. Muslim attacks against Christians in the northern city of Maiduguri in 2006 led to reprisal killings of more than 80 Muslims in eastern Nigeria.

Members of the security forces have also been implicated in serious abuses. In November 2008, Human Rights Watch documented 133 cases of unlawful killings by the federal police and army sent to Jos to quell the sectarian violence. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that, on January 10, 2011, at least one soldier was seen participating in the attack on Wareng village, which left 15 Christians dead.

Unbroken Cycle of Violence
The federal and Plateau State governments have not only failed to tackle the root socio-economic causes of the violence, they have also failed to break the cycle of killings by holding those responsible to account. In all but a handful of cases – 17 Hausa-Fulani men were convicted by the Federal High Court in Jos in December 2010 – the perpetrators have not been brought to justice. In the absence of effective redress through the courts, communities that have suffered violence frequently resort to vigilante justice and exact revenge by inflicting commensurate harm on innocent members of the other community.

Over the years, the federal and Plateau State governments have set up various committees and commissions of inquiry that have examined these issues, but the reports from these bodies, and the occasional government white paper, have mostly been shelved. Despite repeated outbreaks of violence, the government has largely ignored the findings and failed to implement the recommendations.

The federal government, however, has taken some steps to beef up security in Jos and surrounding communities since early 2010. While the military presence has had some effect in deterring and responding to attacks, the underlying causes of the reoccurring outbreaks of violence remain.

Witness Accounts
A Hausa-Fulani driver described to Human Rights Watch how the eight members of a Muslim wedding party were attacked on January 7 after they took a wrong turn leading to a Berom village south of Jos:

At around 4 p.m. on our way to a wedding in Mangu two of the cars took a wrong turn in Barkin Ladi local government area. The first car, a small Mazda, contained eight people. I was driving the second car. We were all Hausa-Fulani from Jos. The other car was ahead of us. I stopped to ask for directions. We were near Dorawa-Tsohuwa village, a Berom community. When I stopped, some people surrounded the car. There were three people on a motorcycle behind us and four people came out of the bush, two on each side. I am thinking they will tell us the actual direction. We were talking with them in Hausa but they were conversing in Berom language. They said we should come down [from the car] and they were calling others on their phones. I realized that something was going to happen and slammed down the throttle. The two in front of the car stepped aside and we escaped from the danger. I called Jamilu, who was in the first vehicle. Jamilu’s mother is the senior sister of the groom. He told me: ‘We have been surrounded by people. They killed two of us. Me, I am running. They want to kill me.’ I heard the sound of something crash and the phone went off. I called him again but the phone was off.

We went back to Mangu and informed the soldiers what happened. They sent a lieutenant and 10 soldiers in a Hilux [pickup truck] back to the village. They allowed me to come because I knew the exact place where we stopped. We went back but did not see any corpses. The next day we went back again with the security. We entered Dorawa village but the people did not talk. Some of them ran and the soldiers caught two of them. One of them said he was coming back from Barkin Ladi and saw people burying something but he didn’t know what. The security went to the place and found a hole used to explore tin. The security digged and found the corpses of five people. I saw the corpses. Jamilu was among them. They had cut the necks of three, one they broke his head, the other they cut his body and removed his penis. The soldiers took the corpses to the air force base. Up until now the three other corpses have not been found.

An Igbo pharmacy technician described to Human Rights Watch how he was attacked by a Hausa-Fulani mob on January 8 in Jos:

On the 8^th of January, some minutes to 11 a.m., I was on my way in a taxi to Terminus Market on Bauchi Road. I saw people block the road. They were beating and burning people. I saw them burn two people. I opened the door of the vehicle to get out. I was wearing a suit. One Hausa man ran across the road and said, ‘Let us kill this unbeliever.’ There was nowhere I could go. They rushed me and beat me with machetes and cutlasses. I defended myself with my hands but I got weak and fell down. After that they sliced my head and they used a dagger to stab me in the rectum. When they were satisfied with the bleeding they said I was dead. They then dragged me to the Bauchi Road bridge and threw me over it. There is no water there in the dry season and I landed on the ground. The Hausa came in groups and looked at my corpse. When they would come I would seize my breath. They thought I was dead. I cried in my mind ‘Jesus, Jesus, save me.’ My body had no life but my mind was very strong. I did this for three hours. The soldiers came around 2 o’clock. I opened one of my eyes and said to them, ‘Kindly help me.’ The soldiers said, ‘This man is not dead.’ One of the young soldiers jumped down, picked me up and took me to hospital. I was cut all over my body. My right hand was shattered. My head was cut around six places. They stabbed me in my anus. My stomach was all scraped up. I went to theater [for surgery] four times. They operated on my hand, but I cannot use it for anything now.

An Igbo shop owner in Jos described to Human Rights Watch how eight men were killed in Jos on January 8:

My shop is in Dilimi, a Muslim area. I deal in electrical parts. I was in my shop around 11 a.m.-12 p.m., when I saw about 40 Muslim youths coming with machetes, daggers, and firewood. There was a man in a Plateau State government vehicle with his son. He was buying from the boys selling clothes in front of my shop. I don’t know whether he was Berom but he was a Plateau man. He looked back and saw them break the glass on the car. He said they should stop. He didn’t know there were so many of them. They hit him with a plank and then set him on fire. His son ran away.

I ran to my neighbor’s shop. He is a Hausa man, a Muslim. He protected me. I stayed in his shop one hour. I was seeing everything that was happening outside. They [the Muslim youth] were chasing everyone who was a Christian. I saw them dragging people. They were going with fuel and machetes. I didn’t see any guns. They blocked everywhere you could run. Some [of the Christians] had blood on their bodies and were running.

I saw them gather four people together and burn them. They smashed their legs and dropped them together, and then put them on fire in the street. I saw them kill two people inside a jeep. They didn’t allow the men to get out. They broke the glass and poured fuel on them. One was an Igbo man. I know his shop. They killed another man across the main road. I saw them roast the body. I saw eight people killed that day.

Around 1:30 p.m. the army come and rescued us. Others that hid themselves came out as well. There were almost 20 or 30 other Christians. The soldiers walked us to the boundary dividing the Muslim and Christian area.

A Muslim passenger traveling on an interstate bus on January 8 described to Human Rights Watch how the Muslim passengers were separated from the Christian passengers and killed:

On January 8, around 2 p.m., I boarded a bus in Lafia, Nassarawa State. It was a Marcopolo bus carrying 64 passengers. At around 6 o’clock [that evening] we were stopped by a roadblock in Ratsat in Jos South [local government area]. The people put a tree and stones in the road. There were about 200 people – men, women, and children. They were Berom. They told us to all come down from the bus and asked, ‘Where are the Muslims?’ They identified four Muslims because they were wearing kaftans [traditional Muslim dress] and asked them where they were coming from. They said they were coming from Lagos. The crowd then started beating them. The people on the bus were all crying that they should leave them. They first beat them with sticks then used their daggers and machetes and killed them. They threw their bodies in the bushes. The driver told us to enter the bus and that we should go, so we left the corpses there. Four of us Muslims survived – two men and two women. We didn’t identity ourselves as Muslims.

I was afraid but the Christians on the bus told us not to be afraid and advised us not to talk. They told us we should identify ourselves as Christians. From there, there were heavy [military] checkpoints on the way. At one point we didn’t move for almost three hours. The driver tried to tell the military what had happened but the soldiers told the driver to ‘go, go, go.’ They didn’t want to hear anything.

Around 11 p.m., we reached the bus terminus at Gada Biu in Jos. As we came down from the bus a group of people surrounded us. They said, ‘Where are you coming from?’ They divided the Muslim passengers from the Christian passengers based on the mode of dress. I was wearing jeans and t-shirt. They asked me my name. I said my name was Daniel. They asked me to pray in Christian and I prayed. I had attended mission school so I knew how to pray. I said, ‘In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.’ They then said I should tell them the story of John the Baptist. I said I know the story but that I didn’t remember it. I told them I could tell them the story of Jesus Christ. They said ok and said I should step aside. That is how I escaped.

The group that surrounded us took the two Muslim passengers wearing kaftans to one side. They were a Fulani man and woman on their way to Gombe [State]. The other Muslim woman on the bus was wearing a jacket because it was cold and they didn’t confirm she was Muslim. I just kept quiet and was watching them. The men then hit the two Muslims with machetes, cutlasses, and daggers. They killed them there in the terminus. The other passengers were running. After they were finished, the soldiers came in their vehicle and the group ran away.

A Berom man in Wareng, a Christian village south of Jos, described to Human Rights Watch how armed men, including at least one soldier, attacked the village on January 10, killing 15 people:

At around 11:30 p.m., I heard shooting of guns. I didn’t know what to do. The attackers were many. They were speaking Fulani. They came to my house and broke the door. As they entered the house they were shooting. I hid in the second room. They entered inside but didn’t find me. It was God that hid me. One of the attackers was a soldier man. I saw him as he passed by my window. He was wearing the new uniform of the soldiers – not the green uniform but the brown uniform. Later when we were looking around we saw an ID card of a soldier on the ground. Our councilor reported it to the chairman of the local government.

Fifteen people were killed in the attack: four men, four women, and seven children. Thirteen people died that day, two died later at the hospital. The men were killed with gunshot. They killed the women and children with knives. One of the babies died from the smoke when they burned the house. My brother and his wife and two of their children were killed. Their third child was cut on his head. I took the boy that very night to the hospital. They sewed his head and now it is better. I will try to take care of him if I am alive.

Source: HRW.org

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Pizza Hut Paper Icon Program for the World Food Program

@captaglobal — Thu, 28 Oct 2010 23:59:40 +0000

Pizza Hut is currently raising funds for the UN’s World Food Program using the paper icon at the left, a mobile phone text fundraising effort, and celebrity support from songstress Christina Augilera. The campaign called From Hunger to Hope also invites direct support through the campaign website.
From Hunger to Hope comes from Yum Brands, franchisor of Pizza Hut, KFC, Taco Bell, Long John Silver’s, and A&W, and the campaign crosses all of its restaurants. In 2009 the effort generated $22.5 million for the WFP and other hunger agencies, which translated into 90 million meals.

Twenty-two million dollars is a laudable, even herculean effort. But consider that Yum operates 37,000 locations. Some locations will do more and some will do much less, but to raise $22.5 million each store needs to average $608.

With so many locations, a modest improvement in per store fundraising translates to huge numbers in the collective total. For instance, if per store fundraising goes up to $650 per store on average, Yum raises $24 million for the World Food Program.

In short, incremental improvements to the campaign make a big difference.

Here’s one improvement to the paper icon itself that Yum could easily and inexpensively implement right away. When I picked up a pizza yesterday on the way home, I saw the icons, and the counter cards with Aguilera’s face on it and asked the man behind the counter what it was all about.

The man… a shift manager… seemed slightly flummoxed by the question. He walked over to one of the paper icons, read World Food Program and replied that it was to “help provide food.”

With 37,000 locations and probably 5-10 times that many store and regional managers, I’m not surprised this fellow didn’t get the message. But Yum could have made it easy on him by printing on the back of the icon a 12-15 word explanation of the campaign.

Currently the back of the World Food Program icon is blank.

The 15-word sentence should be followed by a 25-word sentence that explains how every dollar to the World Food Program feeds four children.

That manager could have read the first sentence to me or he could have just handed it to me to read for myself. There’s a price for printing on the reverse side, of course, but if Yum is printing these by the millions, that cost is nominal.

If this one simple measure helped Yum staff sell just 24 more paper icons per store, the Yum system generates $1 million more for the World Food Program and 4 million more kids get a meal.

Fuente: CauseRelatedMarketing

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Google Transparency: Google, el cuarto poder que temen los gobiernos

@captaglobal — Fri, 15 Oct 2010 20:09:29 +0000

El pasado mes de septiembre conocimos la aparición de una nueva herramienta Google llamada Google Transparency. A través de esta nueva plataforma Google pretende dar a conocer al público los índices en los que sus servicios son censurados o limitados en el mundo. Concretamente muestra dos apartados distintos:

Informe de transparencia por tráfico: A través de un simple gráfico que cruza los datos de regionales y los servicios de Google, se muestra el comportamiento del tráfico escalado del 1 al 100. También muestra la interrupción por incidencias técnicas como cortes eléctricos. En definitiva, una representación gráfica de cuándo ha sido un servicio de Google bloqueado, por ejemplo, el parón de Youtube en China en 2009.

Peticiones gubernamentales: Esta sección es si cabe mucho más jugosa. En ella aparecen localizados los países que han solicitado eliminar contenidos de Google durante un período de tiempo. En el primer semestre del año se recibieron miles de peticiones de más de treinta países, encabezados por Estados Unidos y Brasil. En el caso de Brasil, tiene especial explicación en la penetración de la red Orkut y toda la información sobre usuarios que alberga.

Sin embargo, uno de los mayores achaques de la plataforma está en que en el caso de China no figuran los números de reclamaciones, una situación delicada teniendo en cuenta que se trata de uno de los países más duros en materia de censura.

¿Se defiende así Google de los ataques que supone ser un embudo mundial de información? ¿Era necesario que reivindicase su posición de transparencia? La propia herramienta anuncia que está en fase provisional y le deparan muchos cambios en el futuro. Veremos cómo se las arregla Google para seguir mostrando esta información con más detalle.

Para saber más sobre Google Transparency os recomendamos echar un vistazo a su documento FAQ.

Javier López

fuente: Best Relations

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Plant a Tree & Green Hichhiking in Puerto Montt

@captaglobal — Sat, 09 Oct 2010 20:47:36 +0000

Una pequeña acción al Sur de Chile para el Cambio Climático – A small action at South of Chile for the Climate Change

I´m travelling for a while and the Climate change is a truth around the world; Shanghai, Toronto, Buenos Aires, Frankfurt, cities and countries are together in the same planet.

Estoy viajando por un tiempo y el cambio climático es una verdad alrededor del mundo; Shanghai, Toronto, Buenos Aires, Frankfurt, ciudades y países están juntos en el mismo planeta.

I decide take action. Decido tomar acción. If you´re travelling by southamerica, contact me. Si estás viajando por sudamérica, contáctame.

Involve now

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PR & Marketing para ONG

@captaglobal — Fri, 10 Sep 2010 16:24:28 +0000

Estoy redactando un proyecto digital que tendrá el formato de un E-Book aplicado al Tercer Sector y Causas solidarias, sociales, humanitarias y toda iniciativa que procura un impacto positivo.

Esta presentación digital abarcá temas centrales como son la definición de la estructura organizativa, la forma de promover y comunicar una causa, coordinación de recursos humanos y la captación de fondos.

Estoy volcando mi experiencia en trabajos y acercamientos a ONG dando un enfoque práctico y motivador para emprender acciones.

Uno de los problemas frecuentes que encontré tanto en entidades con fines lucrativos como aquellas que no lo tienen es la dificultad de definir claramente la razón de ser. De hecho muchas ONG tienen causas interesantísimas y que podrían dar un gran impacto en las comunidades donde trabajan pero al fallar la comunicación clara de lo que se hace provoca:

Poca claridad de lo que se hace realmente. Por lo tanto desconfianza en la comunidad donde interactúan
Desorganización Estratégica y Desarticulación Práctica. Se pierde la mirada de lo que se quiere realmente y al mismo tiempo afecta las responsabilidades y funciones sobre que debe priorizarse y hasta hacer verdaderamente
Caida de la Motivación. Al perder enfoque, sentimientos en valores compartidos y asumidos como propios sumado a una organización poco clara la gente pierde en primera medida interés, ganas de hacer algo porque no se sabe bién en que contribuir y principalmente por qué, terminando en la falta de motivación y hasta abandono de la causa

Sugerencias

Te adelanto brevemente un fragmento de mi e-book

Administrar la Inspiración. Razón de Ser

Toda causa apasionada debe basarse en algún fundamento que la sostenga por tres razones principales;

Comunicar externamente de que trata la causa que se defiende, promueve y se cree
Involucrar internamente a las personas en pleno convencimiento, convicción y argumentos para inspirar a otros sobre la razón de por que la causa debe mantenerse
Incentivar el apoyo económico, de recursos y cualquier iniciativa que potencie la causa

Organizaciones de toda naturaleza enfrentan el desafío de identificar claramente cual es su posición en la sociedad y su mirada a futuro. Se privilegia el accionar el inmediato, el aspecto táctico y operativo dejando en segundo plano la visión estratégica, que es en realidad, el alma que da razón de existencia al motivo de por qué una organización debiera estar presente en un mercado, una sociedad.

El enunciado de una organización que explica su fundamento es tan vital como los recursos económicos necesarios para su permanencia. Es en realidad el postulado original que da vida a una causa y la organización que conlleva sostenerla y promoverla.

El enunciado organizacional tiene que tener la capacidad de explicarse en un párrafo, entenderse claramente su propósito y tener un consenso y entendimiento cabal sobre las personas que están vinculadas directamente a la causa.

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La gente dona cuando se emociona”. ¿Dónde está el límite?

@captaglobal — Fri, 10 Sep 2010 15:36:54 +0000

¿Cómo está afectando la crisis económica mundial al sector?

A pesar de noticias y tendencias alarmantes, en general no ha habido un impacto negativo severo en el tercero sector. Ciertas organizaciones experimentaron también un aumento en sus donaciones. Obviamente, algunas áreas como las donaciones corporativas o las fundaciones registraron un impacto más severo porque sus reservas estaban ligadas a la bolsa, pero el donante individual sigue estable y también se puede registrar un aumento marginal. Las ONGs que manejaron la crisis razonablemente han sido las que han podido invertir en desarrollar los donantes existentes, innovar su oferta y recortar costos y actividades innecesarias.

¿dónde están los límites éticos en el uso de la emoción para recaudar fondos? ¿Se ha traspasado en casos como el de Haití? (fotografías de niños sin permiso, cadáveres, etc.)

Comprender qué emociones activan las donaciones y cómo utilizarlas, obviamente de una manera ética, es el futuro de fundraising. Pero hay límites. Las emociones, como dijo Paul Ekman, son como un velocímetro sofisticado y tienes que aprender a utilizar la maquina. Si utilizas una emoción demasiada fuerte (por ejemplo si utilizas imágenes o mensajes de muertos, desesperación, etc.) puedes accionar un rechazo de parte del donante potencial en vez de una donación.

¿Qué 5 consejos le daría a las ONG españolas para mejorar su recaudación de fondos?

El primer consejo es cuidar, agradecer y desarrollar a los donantes existentes, éste es el capital más grande para una ONG.

En segundo lugar: utiliza las emociones (especialmente con imágenes más que palabras) para comunicar y para convencer a donar.

Tercero: ten la capacidad y los argumentos para mirar al fundraising como inversión de largo plazo: mejor tener una herencia o una grande donación en 5 años que una pequeña donación hoy.

Cuarto: Ten siempre presente tu mezcla de financiación (funding mix) – si tienes mucha capacidad de atraer donaciones corporativas que representan el 80% de tus ingresos esto no balancea tu portafolio y riesgos.

Y por último, cuando te despiertes en la mañana ten siempre una respuesta clara a esta pregunta: ¿Por qué estoy recaudando el dinero? Si no tienes respuesta, no sabes la razón final o no te sientes conectado con la causa para la cual estás haciendo fundraising, no sólo es inmoral sino que no es factible y no es sostenible a largo plazo.

Source: CiudadRedonda

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Foro Social de las Américas en Paraguay

@captaglobal — Wed, 01 Sep 2010 17:50:19 +0000

Intercambio de experiencias entre organizaciones de América Latina durante el Foro Social de las Américas

Entre el 11 y el 15 de agosto, representantes de movimientos sociales de América Latina y del Caribe se reunieron en Asunción, Paraguay para la cuarta edición del Foro Social de las Américas (FSA). Varias plataformas de la Mesa de Articulación y muchos de sus miembros participaron en las numerosas actividades, mesas redondas y los talleres.

Durante esta cuarta edición del FSA se debatió sobre problemas y propuestas realitvas al medio ambiente, la resistencia de los pueblos a la militarización, los efectos de la crisis económica mundial, los éxitos y desafíos del comercio entre países de la región. En el marco del Foro la MESA organizó las actividades “Cooperación, financiación pública y poder de la sociedad civil” , el 12 de agosto ,y “Crisis, desigualdades y impacto sobre los actores sociales” el 13 de agosto.

La primera actividad permitió a las plataformas ABONG y ACCION y a la red ALOP intercambiar con los participantes propuestas concretas en torno al marco jurídico y financiamiento público para las organizaciones de la sociedad civil y la situación en diferentes países de América Latina.

En el taller sobre lucha contra las desigualdades, el PNUD presentó por primera vez en Paraguay el Informe sobre Desarrollo Humano para América Latina y el Caribe “Actuar sobre el futuro: romper la transmisión intergeneracional de la desigualdad”. ALC concentra 10 de los 15 países más desiguales del mundo. El taller continuó con los comentarios y apuestas de representantes de las plataformas nacionales de ONGs , entre ellos Abong y Acción de Brasil y Chile respectivamente, y el Centro Cooperativo de Suecia, así como de las articulaciones a nivel regional e internacional en el marco del FIP.

Una actividad final de la MESA, el 13 de agosto, abordó la libertad de expresión y el marco jurídico de los medios comunitarios en distintos países del continente.

Más información sobre el evento: www.forosocialamericas.org

Source: Le Forum international des plates-formes nationales d’ONG

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Fiesta Mundial de Soluciones para el Cambio Climático

@captaglobal — Tue, 31 Aug 2010 19:02:47 +0000

10/10/10 Global Work Party is an international action to do something against the Climate Change prometed by 350.org

10/10/10 Global Work Party es una acción internacional para hacer algo contra el Cambio Climático promovido por 350 .org

350.org is an international campaign that’s building a movement to unite the world around solutions to the climate crisis–the solutions that science and justice demand.

350 es una campaña internacional que construye un movimiento para unir al mundo alrededor de soluciones para la crisis climática.

At this moment they´re promoting a date to take action around the world, october 10, 2010 is the key day to join to global movement to act. You have to register into the web site and take action suggested or you can to share your ideas to solve the Climate crisis.

#1 Organize a Tree Planting
#2 Go Solar
#3 Work on a Community Garden or an Organic Farm
#4 Go For a Ride:
#5 Harness the Wind
#6 Get Efficient:
#7 Start a Transition Town
#8 Faith Work
#9 Trash Clean Up
#10 Join the 10:10 Campaign

Get more info

En este momento se está promoviendo una fecha para actuar en todo el mundo, octubre 10, 2010 es el día clave para unirse al movimiento global para actuar. Tienes que registrarte en el sitio web y tomar las medidas sugeridas o usted puede compartir sus ideas para resolver la crisis climática.

Algunas ideas son:

# 1 Organice una plantación de árboles
# 2 Usar Energía Solar Solar
# 3El trabajo en un jardín comunitario o una granja orgánica
# 4 Dar una vuelta:
# 5 La fuerza del viento
# 6 Obtenga eficiencia:
# 7 Iniciar una ciudad de transición
# 8 Trabajo de Fé
# 9 A Limpiar Papelera
# 10 Únete a la Campaña 10:10

Más información aquí

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Give 5 now

@captaglobal — Mon, 30 Aug 2010 23:03:38 +0000

Give5now.org is one of most simple, creative and effective online fundraising action that I found. This is a product of United Way for the United States.

Give5now.org es una de las más simple, creativa y efectiva acción de captación de fondos a través de internet que encontré. Es un producto de United Way para los Estados Unidos.

This is an interesting example to inspire an online campaign with a strong message focused of what are you looking for. Give5now is more than a slogan in this campaign. We can to see it as the main strategy to communicate and incentive a viral marketing on the net. All the strategy is focused on the action from a video, interfaz, include the naming give5 as an online domain.

Good inspiration, great job.

Este es un ejemplo interesante para inspirar una Campaña Online con un fuerte mensaje focalizado en lo que buscas . Give5now es más que un slogan en esta campaña. Podemos verlo como la principal estrategia para comunicar e incentivar el viral marketing en la red. Toda la estrategia está focalizada en la acción desde un video, interfaz, incluido el naming give5 como un dominio online.

Buena inspiración, gran trabajo

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Recaudar fondos para una ONG usando la red

@captaglobal — Mon, 30 Aug 2010 22:19:34 +0000

Muchas empresas vienen desarrollando programas de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial (RSE) para facilitar herramientas, soluciones como dar aportes para las comunidades donde hacen sus negocios.

Los programas de RSE suponen un beneficio compartido tanto para la comunidad como para la empresa. La empresa al mostrar su sensibilidad ante cuestiones de impacto social también gana un mejor posicionamiento de su Imagen Pública, Reputación, Fidelización de Clientes y una mejorar en la Moral Corporativo.

En el caso de mercadolibre.com desde el año 1999 su acción de RSE se canaliza a través de mercado solidario una plataforma gratuita que ofrece la posibilidad de aplicar una estrategia de fundraising usando el espacio de unos de los sitios más visitados en todo el mundo.

Las ONG puede ofertar sus productos, recibir donaciones y además se está implementando un sistema de banners para apoyar diferentes causas por medio de los blog y/o sitios web.

Tienes que escribir a beneficio@mercadolibre.com para recibir mayor información

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